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Print Chapter 8 (PDF 275KB) | < - Report Home < - Chapter 7 : Chapter 9 - > |
Compulsory voting in Australia
Considering compulsory voting
Reflecting the will of the electorate
A voluntary or compulsory mirror?
Legitimacy
Further components of the debate
Australia is unusual
Voting as a civic duty
Popular support
Resource implications
Partisan advantage
Quality of the vote
Unintended consequences
Conclusion
8.1 | In earlier chapters the Committee has drawn out the obligations imposed on voters prior to and at election day. In this chapter the Committee examines the arguments advanced for and against both compulsory and non-compulsory voting. |
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8.2 | The CEA states, under section 245 (1), that:
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8.3 | Because of the secrecy of the ballot, it is not possible to determine whether a person has filled out their ballot paper prior to placing it in the ballot box. It is therefore not possible to determine whether all electors have met their legislated duty to vote. It is, however, possible to determine that a voter has attended a polling booth (or applied for a declaration vote), and been issued with a ballot paper. |
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8.4 | These arrangements are commonly described as being a compulsory vote. The Committee, like most voters, uses the term “compulsory voting” in that sense.1 |
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Compulsory voting in Australia |
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8.5 | Compulsory voting was advocated by Alfred Deakin at the time of Federation although voting was voluntary until after the First World War. Enrolment was compulsory from 1911.2 |
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8.6 | In 1915 consideration of compulsory voting arose in the Senate in connection with a referendum intended for later that year but never held.3 That year, too, compulsory voting for state elections was introduced in Queensland.4 |
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8.7 | The significant impetus for compulsory voting came from a sharp decline in voluntary voter turnout from more than 71% at the previous 1919 election to less than 60% at the 1922 elections.5 As Table 8.1 shows, this fall-off in turnout was an abrupt reversal of the steady trend to increasing voter participation which began with the election of 1903. |
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8.8 | On 17 July 1924 a Private Member’s Bill, based on the 1915 Senate proposals, was debated in the Senate. Five Senators spoke on the Bill and it was passed that day. In the House of Representatives only three members spoke. Significantly, for such a piece of far-reaching legislation, Mr Tony Smith MP, noted that:
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8.9 | Thus did Australia acquire a compulsory vote for Federal Elections. |
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8.10 | Subsequently Victoria established compulsory voting (in 1926), followed by NSW and Tasmania (1928); WA (1936); and SA (1942).7 Table 8.1 Voter turnout (%) Federal Elections 1901–1934
Source AEC, Electoral Pocketbook, 2005, p. 66. |
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8.11 | As Table 8.1 indicates, following the introduction of compulsory voting, voter turnout increased well beyond the previous maximum of 78.30%. The Senate voter turnout of 91.31% in 1925 proved to be the minimum in the history of compulsory voting. Since then, the median turnout has been 95.1%, with a maximum of 96.31% (in the 1943 Senate election). The turnout for the 2004 Federal Election was 94.82% for the Senate and 94.32% for the House of Representatives.8 |
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8.12 | However, it is also noteworthy that, prior to the introduction of compulsory voting, the voter turnout rose in every election following that of 1903 (50.27%) to 78.30% in 1917. |
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8.13 | One of the reasons would undeniably have been the introduction of compulsory enrolment in 1911. Between 1911 and 1924 Australia had a combination of compulsory enrolment and voluntary voting, as occurs currently in New Zealand. Another factor affecting turnout in the elections after 1913 was the controversial nature of the events of the day, such as the conscription referenda. |
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Considering compulsory voting |
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8.14 | The Committee’s post-election reviews of the preceding elections are generally considered to be focussed on examining and responding to problems. They therefore attract few arguments for accepted aspects of the status quo. Consequently, in those reviews, the Committee heard from comparatively few proponents of the compulsory voting regime. |
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8.15 | Conversely, those wishing to challenge the status quo take the latter part of the Committee’s term of reference (matters relating thereto) as an opportunity to place voluntary voting on the Committee’s agenda. The Committee therefore heard arguments against compulsory voting in its review of the 2004 Federal Election, as it had in its previous reviews of the Federal Elections of 1993, 1996, 1998 and 2001.9 |
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8.16 | The Committee notes that the Prime Minister has said that the abolition of compulsory voting will not occur before the next election.10 |
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8.17 | A number of submissions commented on compulsory voting. Mr Don Willis stated:
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8.18 | The Public Interest Advocacy Centre stated:
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The Committee’s view |
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8.19 | With compulsory voting on the political agenda, the Committee decided to take the opportunity in this report to stimulate deeper consideration and debate on issues associated with voluntary and compulsory voting. |
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8.20 | In doing this, the Committee believes that the focus of the debate should be on:
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Reflecting the will of the electorate |
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8.21 | The supporters of the current arrangements and proponents of voluntary voting all agree that the outcome of the poll should be a genuine reflection of the views of the electorate.13 |
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8.22 | But they differ significantly in identifying how that view should be collected: compulsorily or voluntarily. |
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A voluntary or compulsory mirror? |
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8.23 | Proponents of the current arrangements argue that all qualified electors must participate in the poll. The Festival of Light stated:
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8.24 | Proponents of voluntary voting argue that compulsory voting fails to achieve this. Mr Michael Doyle stated:
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8.25 | Senator the Hon. Nicholas Minchin, Minister for Finance and Administration, with overall responsibility for electoral matters, is of the view that "voluntary voting is an important barometer of the health of a political system". He would like to see the Government seek a mandate to change the compulsory voting laws at the next election.16 |
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8.26 | There is a variety of evidence which the respective proponents adduce in support of their interpretation. The main arguments centre on:
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Engaging the electorate |
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8.27 | The compulsory voting system per se is said to encourage voters to engage in the political process. Mr John Kilcullen stated:
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8.28 | Even if the obligation did more than “seem” to move people to seek information there would, according to Mr Doyle, be a component of the electorate which decides by:
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The Committee’s view |
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8.29 | The cross-party membership of the Committee acknowledges that “donkey voting”, which is particularly apparent under compulsory voting, reveals that the alleged intrinsic engagement of electors by compulsory voting is incomplete. |
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8.30 | However, the Committee also noted that in the 2005 New Zealand election eight out of ten voters exercised their democratic right to vote, one of the highest rates of voluntary voting in the world. This, the Committee remarked, was under a voluntary voting/compulsory enrolment electoral regime. |
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Considering the full electorate |
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8.31 | Supporters of voluntary voting and those urging compulsory voting both accuse their opponents of not taking into account the needs of the whole electorate when campaigning for their votes. |
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8.32 | Compulsory voting is claimed to encourage policies which collectively address the full spectrum of elector values, because all voters have to be wooed . Mr Martin Mulvihill, in support of compulsory voting, stated that it:
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8.33 | This is contrasted with what could happen under voluntary voting when it might only be necessary to target those most likely to vote or, alternatively, according to Ms Beverley Stubbs:
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The Committee’s view |
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8.34 | Under both voluntary and compulsory systems of voting the imperative is for parties to maximise their votes. It is not in their interest to neglect groups so it could be argued that the voluntary system would lead to more intensive campaigning. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
8.35 | Overall, the Committee considered that the two sides of the debate were succinctly put in two quotations. One, an article in the Sydney Morning Herald commented:
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8.36 | A second quotation was from Mr Doyle who stated that, under a:
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8.37 | The Committee considered that the question about which form of voting produced a more reliable indication of the electorate's will should be subject to a wider debate. |
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8.38 | It also noted that an important consideration in that debate was the question of the legitimacy of the government which emerges from the compulsory or the voluntary ballot. |
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Legitimacy |
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8.39 | The AEC advises that the current electoral regime aims to ensure that:
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8.40 | Compulsory voting attempts to ensure that all qualified citizens do in fact have a say in the creation of their government. Mr Willis noted that consequently, the legitimacy of the outcome of the election benefits from the fact that:
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8.41 | In contrast to the previous points Mr Willis noted that, under:
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8.42 | Ms Ilona Renwick summarised the implications of low voter turnout, saying that :
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Further components of the debate |
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8.43 | In addition to these central issues, evidence to the Committee raised a number of points pertinent to voluntary and compulsory voting:
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Australia is unusual |
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8.44 | Australia has a democratic tradition that is largely based on the Westminster system, with the inclusion of some elements of the United States system. Given this heritage from two regimes that employ voluntary voting, it is unusual for Australia to have compulsory voting, particularly considering that voting at the first nine Federal elections was voluntary. |
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8.45 | Further, Australia is also unusual when compared with other democratic governments. At present, Australia is one of some 32 democracies worldwide to have compulsory voting. Only 19 actually pursue it through support and enforcement.27 Australia, it is argued, is therefore out of step with the world. |
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8.46 | In a counter argument, Mr Mulvihill noted that:
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8.47 | Furthermore, some 6,314 million people, or 9.6% of the world population, use compulsory voting in determining their government.29 |
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The Committee’s view |
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8.48 | The value of this exchange of opinion, in the Committee’s eyes, was that it highlighted the fact that each nation adapts its democratic arrangements to suit its own particular requirements. Therefore the practices of other countries are neither directly comparable nor necessary precedents for Australia. Indeed, as the Committee Chairman, Mr Tony Smith MP, has noted:
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Voting as a civic duty |
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8.49 | Debate on this point centred on whether, in a democracy, it is acceptable to compel citizens to vote. A Sydney Morning Herald article noted that:
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8.50 | Much of the evidence to the Committee focussed on this point, bringing forth a variety of arguments for and against compulsory and voluntary voting, such as the burdensome nature of voting and international and domestic obligations.32 |
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Burdensome |
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8.51 | One argument against compulsion is that it can be an onerous imposition on some citizens.33 |
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8.52 | This claim, however, is countered by observations such as expressed by Mr Christopher Bayliss:
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The Committee’s view |
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8.53 | As already discussed in other chapters, special arrangements such as postal and mobile polling exist to minimise the burden for specific groups. The Committee Chairman has determined therefore that the focus should be on:
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International obligations |
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8.54 | One argument against compulsion to the polls looks beyond Australia to its obligations under international agreements. Both the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights refer to people’s right to “freely chosen representatives”.36 On this basis, Mr Doyle argues that:
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8.55 | Against this could be set Article 29 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which states that rights and freedoms are, however subject to:
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8.56 | In short, obligations may be imposed on an individual for the benefit of the society generally, Mr Tony Smith MP stated:
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The Committee’s view |
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8.57 | The Committee noted that the tension between perceived freedoms and obligations was paralleled in consideration of domestic obligations. |
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Domestic obligations |
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8.58 | Arguments about freedoms and obligations within Australia were presented as contrasts between compulsory voting and other government-imposed obligations. Mr Willis contended that:
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8.59 | Such analogies were rebuffed by a contrary interpretation from Mr Doyle who stated that:
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8.60 | The Public Interest Advocacy Centre summarised these contested issues in its submission, stating:
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The Committee’s view |
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8.61 | The points made about the domestic obligations of citizens do not refute, in the Committee's view, the right of the Parliament to impose requirements on citizens. The question, instead, is about the nature and extent of the obligations that it is acceptable for the Parliament to impose. |
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8.62 | The Committee notes that the primary electoral obligation placed on Australian voters at Federal elections is that of enrolling to vote. The Committee Chairman has noted that this duty is generally accepted, and:
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8.63 | The Committee also notes that there is extant research which examines the question of how acceptable the existing compulsory arrangements are. |
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Popular support |
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8.64 | According to the three recent opinion polls summarised in Table 8.2, compulsory voting enjoys popular support.44 The polls concluded that three in every four Australians support compulsory voting ahead of voluntary voting. There was also evidence that this support crosses party lines. Table 8.2 Popular opinion of compulsory and voluntary voting
Source Roy Morgan Research andpolls reported in Sydney Morning Herald, March 200546 |
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The Committee’s view |
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8.65 |
The Committee noted the current wide disparity in electorate support for the compulsory or voluntary voting systems. |
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Resource implications |
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8.66 | Evidence to the Committee sought to associate savings in resources with either of the voting options by examining:
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Government costs |
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8.67 | Compulsory voting comes as a cost to the government. Non-voters can only be discovered if the electoral roll is kept up-to-date so that the subsequent process of identification of non-voters can take place. Both components of this process have costs. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The Committee’s view |
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8.68 | A move to voluntary voting would remove the cost to the tax payers of pursuing non-voters. However other costs could potentially arise if it was decided that the Government had increased responsibility for educating voters of the importance of their non-compulsory vote. |
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Party costs |
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8.69 | Compulsory voting enables parties to use previous voting data to identify marginal seats on which to focus their efforts. With a potentially more volatile vote under voluntary voting, they may no longer be able to rely on past election results as indicators of expected voting patterns. Resources currently focussed on seats perceived as winnable would have to be more widely and thinly spread, or more resources would be required.47 |
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8.70 | Also, on the basis of experiences in non-compulsory voting regimes, supporters of the status quo drew the attention of the Committee to a new cost for the political parties which would arise from a change to voluntary voting. Mr Kilcullen stated:
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8.71 | Under voluntary voting, political parties’ resources would be diverted from efforts to promote their leader and their policies, whereas under compulsory voting, as a Sydney Morning Herald article suggested:
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The Committee’s view |
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8.72 | The Committee notes that these arguments assume that parties’ self‑interest would lead them to attempt to maximise turnout, a responsibility currently assumed by the Government. |
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8.73 | The Committee considers this view is based too narrowly on British and United States practices where "getting out the vote" has a twofold function: ensuring voters are registered to vote; and urging them to exercise that right. |
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8.74 | The low turnout of the eligible population in those countries despite the parties’ efforts is a reflection of systemic factors in the electoral process which do not apply in Australia. First and foremost, elections in those countries are held on a weekday, whereas elections in Australia are held on a Saturday. Unlike in Australia, the United States ballot covers elections for everything from dog catcher to police chief to Congressman. Further, registration to vote is more complex, which is a disincentive to many of the voting-age population. |
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8.75 | However, the Committee notes that, across the Tasman there is a different regime that is more relevant to Australia. Commenting on the New Zealand system, Mr Tony Smith MP stated:
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8.76 | This turnout, the Committee observed, had been achieved despite strict limits on election expenses.51 Mr Smith MP therefore considered:
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8.77 | Under the compulsory enrolment and voluntary voting regime prior to compulsory voting, Australia achieved high Federal Election turnouts. To assume that, without compulsion, Australian voters would not vote is to do them a disservice. |
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Partisan advantage |
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8.78 | The effect on politics of the new role for political parties of mobilising voters was raised in a number of submissions. Mr Mulvihill noted that under a voluntary system, voter turnout would be:
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8.79 | A central concern was whether this process would advantage one party over another and how representative the outcome might be |
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8.80 | There was no consensus on whether voluntary voting would intrinsically favour one party ahead of another because supporters of one party might be more or less likely to participate in such a poll than supporters of other parties. |
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8.81 | On the basis of overseas experience Mr Doyle asserted:
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8.82 | On the other hand, research in Australia on the predicted effect of voluntary voting:
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The Committee’s view |
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8.83 | There is no empirical evidence that a move to voluntary voting would favour one major party over another. |
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Quality of the vote |
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8.84 | At issue here was the perceived opportunity offered by voluntary voting to reduce the informal vote present under compulsory voting, as outlined in Table 8.3. |
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8.85 | Informal voting was discussed in Chapter 5, Counting the votes. In this section the Committee examines the evidence concerning the significance of the informal vote as a measure of protest against being compelled to vote. Table 8.3 Informal voting at Federal Elections: 1993–2004
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8.86 | A Sydney Morning Herald article argued that:
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8.87 | The Public Interest Advocacy Centre advanced a counter argument:
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8.88 | The AEC, having analysed the reasons ballot papers were considered informal, concluded that:
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8.89 | The types of markings (or their absence) which causes ballots to be discarded as informal are set out in Table 8.4, together with the proportion of the informal votes to which they applied. Table 8.4 Categories of House of Representatives informal ballot papers: 2001 Federal Election60
Source AEC Research Report No 1 Informal Vote Survey, House of Representatives, 2001 Election, 2003, p. 8. |
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8.90 | According to the AEC only two categories of informal ballot papers might indicate a protest against voting: blanks and “marks”.
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8.91 | Because “marks” include slogans and protests against the political and electoral system they can be considered to be indicators of protest voting, although not all ballots so marked will be protests against compulsion. Blanks may merely be mistakes.62 |
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8.92 | According to analyst Mr Antony Green:
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The Committee’s view |
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8.93 | A component of the informal vote may be attributed as a protest against compulsion, but it is not the only factor which may compromise the quality of the final vote count. Mr Tony Smith MP stated:
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Unintended consequences |
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8.94 | When examining questions of legitimacy (above), the Committee noted that voluntary voting in Federal Elections would contrast with the compulsory nature of State and Territory elections. Another facet was highlighted in a submission from the ACT Government which claimed that:
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The Committee’s view |
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8.95 | While voters may continue to make objection to compulsory enrolment under a voluntary election system, the Committee notes that New Zealand’s electoral system combines these features and has done so very successfully for a long period of time. |
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Conclusion |
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8.96 | As this chapter has demonstrated, there are strong views about the relative merits of voluntary and compulsory voting. This is true even within political parties as the Minister for Finance and Administration, Senator the Hon. N Minchin indicated:
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8.97 | The Committee is aware that the nature of the submissions to this inquiry, which focused on the 2004 Federal Election, would not represent the full breadth of opinion that could be revealed if compulsory voting was the subject of inquiry. |
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8.98 | The Committee therefore does not recommend that the Government should initiate any change to compulsory voting prior to the next election. Rather, the Committee will continue to encourage wider debate on this matter and seek to investigate the matter in more depth. |
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8.99 | Recommendation 36The Committee recommends that voluntary and compulsory voting be the subject of a future inquiry by the JSCEM. |
1 | Submission Nos 33 & 66. See also AEC Fact Sheet Compulsory Voting, www.aec.gov.au/_content/what/publications/factsheets.htm Back |
2 | AEC Fact Sheet: Compulsory Voting, www.aec.gov.au/_content/what/publications/factsheets.htm Back |
3 | Uhr J, “Making Sense of the Referendum”, Papers on Parliament No. 35, June 2000, www.aph.gov.au/senate/pubs/pops/pop35/c06.htm Back |
4 | AEC Fact Sheet, Compulsory Voting, www.aec.gov.au/_content/what/publications/factsheets.htm Back |
5 | Submission No. 58, (Ms L Hill & Mr J Louth), p. 1. Overall figures hide wide differences—in the 1903 election, for example, the lowest House of Representatives turnout was 28% in WA and 30% in the Senate in the same state. The Age, 1 March 2004, quoted in www.echoed.com.au/chronicle/1904/mar-apr/national.htm Back |
6 | Hansard , Senate 17 July 1924, pp. 2179-2188; Hansard, House of Representatives, 24 July 1924, pp. 2446-2452; Mr T Smith MP, Hansard, House of Representatives, 10 February 2005, p. 125. Back |
7 | Elections ACT Factsheet, Compulsory Voting, www.elections.act.gov.au/adobe/FactSheets/FactSheetCompulsoryVoting.pdf |
8 | AEC, Electoral Pocketbook, 2005, p. 66. Back |
9 | See the Committee’s reports on those elections. Back |
10 | ”Coalition Set to Change the Way We Vote” Age, 11 June 2005; also Sunday Sunrise interview with Prime Minister John Howard, 21 November 2004: “I want to make it clear there will be No. attempt made by this Government in this term to change that system…But I speak from term to term”. http://seven.com.au/sundaysunrise/politics_041121_howard Back |
11 | Submission No. 157, (Mr D Willis), p. 2. Back |
12 | Submission No. 144, (Public Interest Advocacy Centre), p. 6. Back |
13 | Submission No. 119, (ACT Government). Back |
14 | Submission No. 125 (Festival of Light Australia), p. 5. Back |
15 | Mr M Doyle, Evidence, Monday, 25 July 2005, p. 72. Back |
16 | “Minchin Seeks End of Compulsory Voting”, ABC News Online, 19 September 2005, www.abc.net.au/news/newsitems/200509/s1463769.htm Back |
17 | Submission No. 56, (Mr J Kilcullen), p. 7. Back |
18 | Perspective , ABC, 13 June 2003, Guest: Michael Doyle, member of the Liberal Party, www.abc.net.au/rn/talks/perspective/stories/s879162.htm Back |
19 | Submission No. 167, (Mr M Mulvihill). Back |
20 | Submission No. 33, (Ms B Stubbs). Back |
21 | “ An Obligation to Democracy”, Sydney Morning Herald , 7 March 20 05. Back |
22 | Submission No. 175, (Mr M Doyle). Back |
23 | AEC, Redistributions - Frequently Asked Questions, www.aec.gov.au/_content/why/redistributions/faq.htm#6 Back |
24 | Submission No. 157, (Mr D Willis), p. 2. Back |
25 | Submission No. 157, (Mr D Willis), p. 2. Back |
26 | Submission No. 22, (Ms I Renwick). Back |
27 | Those that pursue it through support and enforcement comprise Argentina, Australia, Austria (two Länder only), Belgium, Brazil, Chile, Cyprus, Ecuador, Fiji, Greece, Lichtenstein, Luxembourg, Mexico, Nauru, Peru, Singapore, Switzerland (one canton only), Turkey and Uruguay. Others in which non-enforcement or enforcement actions are unknown, include: Bolivia, Cost Rica, Dominican Republic, Egypt, France (Senate only), Gabon, Guatemala, Honduras, Italy, Netherlands, Paraguay, Philippines and Thailand. See IDEA, Compulsory Voting, www.idea.int/vt/compulsory_voting.cfm Back |
28 | Submission No. 167, (Mr M Mulvihill). Back |
29 | See Appendix G: Countries with Compulsory Voting. Back |
30 | Mr T Smith MP, Hansard, House of Representatives, 10 February 2005, p. 125. Back |
31 | “ An Obligation to Democracy”, Sydney Morning Herald , 7 March 2005. Back |
32 | Submission Nos 13, 33, 40, 125, 144, 157 & 167. Back |
33 | Submission No. 66, (Mr M Wilson). Back |
34 | Submission No. 40, (Mr C Bayliss). Back |
35 | Smith T, “Your Vote, Your Voice, Your Choice”, Herald Sun, 24 February 2005. Back |
36 | Submission No. 13 (Mr M Doyle), quoting UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights: Article 21 (1): “Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives”; and UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights: Article 25 “Every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity…To take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly or through freely chosen representatives”. Back |
37 | Submission No. 13, (Mr M Doyle). Back |
38 | Universal Declaration of Human Rights , www.un.org/Overview/rights.html Back |
39 | Smith T, “Your Vote, Your Voice, Your Choice”, Herald Sun, 24 February 2005. Back |
40 | Submission No. 157, (Mr D Willis), p. 2. Back |
41 | Submission No. 13, (Mr M Doyle). Back |
42 | Submission No. 144, (Public Interest Advocacy Centre), p. 5. Back |
43 | Smith T, “Your Vote, Your Voice, Your Choice”, Herald Sun, 24 February 2005. Back |
44 | See also commentary in Submission Nos 60, 119 & 157. Back |
45 | 2% did not know which they favoured. "Poll Shows Majority Favours Compulsory Voting", Sydney Morning Herald, 27 March 2005. Back |
46 | “Poll Shows Majority Favours Compulsory Voting”, Sydney Morning Herald, 27 March 2005, ”Voluntary Voting May Not Favour the Liberals", Sydney Morning Herald, 9 March 2005; “Majority of Australians Think Voting Should Remain Compulsory”, Roy Morgan Research, 27 September 2005, www.roymorgan.com/news/polls/2005/3901/ Back |
47 | See AEC Fact Sheet Compulsory Voting, www.aec.gov.au/_content/what/publications/factsheets.htm Back |
48 | Submission No. 56, (Mr J Kilcullen), pp. 7–8. Back |
49 | “ An Obligation to Democracy”, Sydney Morning Herald , 7 March 2005. Back |
50 | Mr A Smith MP, House of Representatives Hansard, 10 February 2005, p. 125. NZ Turnout (contested seats only): 1990 = 85.2%; 1993 = 85.2%: 1996 = 88.3%; 1999 =84.9%; 2002 = 77.0%. Elections New Zealand, www.elections.org.nz/elections/elections_dates_turnout.html Back |
51 | Party election expenditure is limited to NZ$1 million plus NZ$20,000 for each electorate candidate nominated by the party. In addition each candidate may expend up to NZ$20,000. "Election Expenses and Returns", Elections New Zealand, www.elections.org.nz/elections/e5_party_return_expenses.html Back |
52 | Smith T, “Your Vote, Your Voice, Your Choice”, Herald Sun, 24 February 2005. Back |
53 | Submission No. 167, (Mr M Mulvihill). Back |
54 | Mr M Doyle, Evidence, Monday, 25 July 2005, p. 68. Back |
55 | Submission No. 175, (Mr M Doyle). Back |
56 | Submission No. 157, (Mr D Willis), pp. 1, 4; Courier Mail, “Every Vote Counts, Except…”, 21 February 2005, Queensland Newspapers, p. 9; “Libs Unlock the Gates of Power”, Courier Mail, 30 October 2004; Queensland Newspapers, p. 1. Back |
57 | “ An Obligation to Democracy”, Sydney Morning Herald , 7 March 2003. Back |
58 | These include: limits on voters exercising their own electoral preferences (embodied in the rules about voting “below the line”); confusion about voting because of the different systems in the three different tiers of government and between different states and territories; dissatisfaction with the political parties rather than the electoral process; shortcomings in “voter education”; English as a second language; migrants from countries where voting is not compulsory (or indeed, in some countries, a real option). See Submission No. 144, (Public Interest Advocacy Centre), p. 5. Back |
59 | Submission No. 165, (AEC), p. 7. Back |
60 | The analysis of the 2004 informal vote was not available prior to the Committee concluding its report. Back |
61 | AEC Research Report No. 1:Informal Vote Survey, House of Representatives, 2001 Election, 2003, pp. 8–9 Back |
62 | AEC Research Report No. 1:Informal Vote Survey, House of Representatives, 2001 Election, 2003, pp. 8–9. Back |
63 | Submission No. 73, (Mr A Green), p. 7. Back |
64 | Smith T, “Your Vote, Your Voice, Your Choice”, Herald Sun, 24 February 2005. Back |
65 | Submission No. 119, (ACT Government). Back |
66 | Senator the Hon. N Minchin, quoted in Australian Financial Review, 4 November 2004. Back |
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